Taylor J. P., Flint C. (2000), Political Geography, 1

Publié le par olivier Legrand

Taylor J. P., Flint C. (2000), Political Geography, World-Economy, Nation-State and Locality, Pearson, Fourth edition, p.412

 

The basic point is that globalization has not developed in a vacuum

p.2

Eight dimension of globalization

1-Financial globalization

2- Economic globalization

3-Technological globalization

4- Cultural globalization

5- Political globalization

6-Ecological globalization

7- Geographical globalization

8- Sociological globalization

 

Immanuel Wallerstein (1979)

Instead of social change occurring country by country, Wallerstein postulates a 'world-system'  that is currently global in scope

Basic element of the world economy consists of a single world market, which is capitalist

This means that production is for exchange rather than use: producers do not consume what they produce but exchange it on the market for the best price they can get. In this way, the world market determines in the long run the quantity, type and location of the production. The concrete result of this process has been uneven economic development across the world.

A multiple state system

Hence the inter-state system is a necessary element of the world-economy. Nevertheless single state is able to distort the market in the interests of their national capitalist group within their own boundaries, and powerful states can distort the market well beyond their boundaries for a short time.

 

A three-tier structure

Wallerstein argues that the exploitative process that work through the world-economy always operate in a three-tier format. This is because in any situation of inequality three tiers of interaction are more stable than two tiers of confrontation.

The most general case is the rise of the "middle class" between capital and labour since the mid-nineteenth century.

The official recognition of Indians and Coloreds between the black and white peoples of apartheid South Africa was just such an attempt to protect a dominant class by supporting a middle 'racial buffer'

p.11-12

 

 

The concept of core and periphery

Complex process not directly to area, regions,or states

Core and periphery are process are opposite types of complex production relations

p.20

semi-periphery combines particular mixture of both processes but no semi-periphery processes

The interdependence of political  military power and competitive advantage in production in the capitalist world-economy reveals that the logic of the accumulation process includes the logic of state building and geopolitics

Chase-Dunn 1982 p.25

 

WhilE state-centered politics are crucial to an understanding of the world-economy, they do not constitute the sum of political activities. If we equate politics with use of power then we soon appreciate that political processes do not begin and end with states: all social institutions have their politics.

P25

 

Model of power resolution Schattschneider (1960) the outcome of any conflict will not depend on the relative power of the competing interests but will be determined by the eventual scope of the conflict.

p.26

 

Nation is a concept rose to express competition between states. It legitimates the whole political superstructure of the world-economy that is the inter-state system: every state aspire to be a "nation-state". By justifying the political fragmentation of the world, nations play a key role in perpetuating inequalities between countries. The associated ideology, nationalism, has been the most powerful political force in the twentieth century with millions of young people willingly sacrificing their lives for their country and its people.

p.29

 

Ethnic groups are always a minority within a country. All multi-ethnic states contain a hierarchy of groups, with different occupations associated with different groups. Where the ethnic groups are immigrant, this 'ethnization' of occupations legitimizes the practical inequalities within the state. In contrast, the inequalities suffred by non-immigrant ethnic groups can produce an alternative minority nationalism to challenge the state

p.30

 

The state is the locus of formal politics. In the taken-for-grated world the state is the arena of politics. Typically, therefore, many political studies have limited their analysis to states government.

p.31

In short, the state must be located in a context that maintain its importance without simultaneously relegating the other institutions

p.31

 

nation and state have been mutually supportative as nation-state

 

as we will see the following chapters, as social institutions both state and nation are unique in their relation to space. They not only occupy space like any social institution must, they also claim particular association with designated places. It makes no sense to have a nation without a  "historic homeland", and states do not exist except through possession of their 'sovereign territory'

p.33

 

Bachrach and Baratz (1962) non-decision making in urban studies

This is essentially a form of manipulation that allows decision to be steered along certain direction normally favorable to maintaining the status quo. The power is covert in that ' decision' in non-agenda matters do not have to be made (hence non-decision making)

 

Space is never just a stage upon which events unfold: there is nothing neutral about any spatial arrangement.

P39

 

Doreen Massey (1993): there is a 'power geometry' a network of flow and connections that is distinctive to any one individual in any particular place

 

 

For instance, the famous 'time-space' compression of contemporary communication may have changed the lives of bankers, but has had no direct effect on women gathering wood in Africa savanna.

Globalization had been very uneven in its geography

p.40

one key role of state boundaries is to prevent politics overrunning into a global scale of conflict at the whim of every losers. But these state boundaries can themselves be contested politically, and there is no clear case than contemporary upheavals in Eastern Europe following the collapse of communism.

p.41

 

Social science tradition, which sees space as merely an inert backdrop to processes of changes.

Thus contemporary globalization does not represent a scale of activity waiting to be fulfilled; it is part of the construction of a new multi-scaler human geography.

p.43

Political geographers employed a three-scale analysis – international or global, national or state level, and a intra-national, usually urban metropolitan, scale.

The three scales are accepted merely as "given": as one author puts Is these "three broad areas of interest seem to present themselves" (Short 1982:1)

p.43

It represents a particular way of viewing the world that is subtly state-centric.  The scales pivot around the basic unit of the state- hence the international, national and intra-national terminology.

p.43

Globalization studies seem only to see two scales – the local in contrast to the global, environmentalist slogan "think global, act local"

 

New state elites are using the global as a threat to redesign national and local politics

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