Planning in Ireland and Beyond: Multidisciplinary Essays in Honour of John V. Greer
McEldowney M., Murray M., Murtagh B., Sterrett K. (2005), Planning in Ireland and Beyond : Multidisciplinary Essays in Honour of John V. Greer, School of Environmental Planning Queen’s University, Belfast, p.365
Ellis G. (2005), “The City of Black Stuff: Belfast and the Autism of Planning”, Planning in Ireland and Beyond, School of Environmental Planning Queen’s University, Belfast, pp.261:68
p.261
“During the 1970s and 1980s, Belfast must have been a most difficult environment in which to work as a planner and while other UK cities were innovation with radical forms of community planning (e.g. Sheffield, see Montgornery and Thornley, 1990) or experimenting with market-led (e.g. London Dockland, see Irmue and Thomas, 1993), Belfast planners were forced to keep their heads down and be grateful for slightest whiff of development”
p.262
“For example, taken per head of population, Northern Ireland has 2.2 times more miles of road than elsewhere in the UK ( Fawcett, 2000) and Belfast has been noted as being “the most car dependent city in Europe” (Copper et al, 2001), with 81 per cent of people travelling to work by car compared to 70 per cent in UK as a whole.”
p.262
“Take, for example, the fairness of this planning approach for 44 per cent of all Belfast households that do not have access to a car, which rise to 70 per sent in inner city areas which have to bear the brunt of commuter traffic”
p.265
“The culture of technocratic neutrality adopted by Belfast’s planners, which was a critical tactic to promote stability and overcome sectarian discrimination during the ‘Troubles, is now increasingly being perceived as aloof and insensitive to the particularity of place. Indeed, Bollens (1999) suggest that ‘neutrality is associated with unequal outcomes, poor public perception, and ineffective uplifting of Belfast’s economically deprived’ (p.268)”
Neil W. J. V. (2005), “Berlin Babylon: The spatiality of Memory and Identity in Recent Planning for the German Capital’, Planning in Ireland and Beyond, School of Environmental Planning Queen’s University, Belfast, pp.61:88
p.63
“Berlin provides a powerful reminder that the uniqueness of place in the formation of identity still matters”
p.63
“This involves forgetting, remembering and imagining politically contested processes whose outcomes are constituted in concrete form in the actual city of bricks, mortar and of course glass”
p.64
“Foregrounding the role of capital city planning in etching or erasing memory traces in identity construction, the chapter argues that Berlin fortunately remains an uneasy place where a national narrative of continuity exist in tension with an identity narrative which seeks to incorporate rupture”
p.64
“German National Narrative Construction
The historian Norman Davies describes how nationalism came from the late 18th century and 19th century onwards in two opposing variants: civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism (Davies, 1996). Ethnic nationalism, in its concept of nationhood, emphasises mythical nations of ethnic identity, language, culture, poetry, history and romantic feeling about the land. Civic nationalism is based on place bounded political institutions. Recognising that the civic / ethnic dichotomy is an ideal type distinction, and that the nationalism of every nation has romantic as well as constitutional and political elements, the question is well posed as to where most weight is placed (Buruma, 1998). In constructing a sense of shared belonging and identification out of cultural and civic elements a “national narrative” is essential to any nation state. Here collective memory, open to contestation, selects from history what emphasised, remembered and forgotten.”
p.64
“The national narrative bestows a sense of “being a people”, a large scale solidarity” with a perceived integration of past and present in an envisioned future (Easthope, 1997).”
p.66
“The legacy of the years 1933 to 1945 presents enormous problems for Berlin as a whole, and is not exaggeration to say that the way in which its citizens face the past will help to shape both the future of the capital and the very identity of the new Germany” (Richie 1., 1999, p.xivii)
p.66
“Bonn represented a reassuring sign of discontinuity for Germans with their troubled history or, as put by one commentator, in Bonn, Germany “stepped out of history and stepped into business” with the West Germany uncomfortable in projecting a political image of itself (Duerrenmatt, quoted in Der Spiegel, 1998, p.57)”
p.70
“In Berlin the presumed normal future to be embraced with enthusiasm is connected with the aid of urban design. This involves largely forgetting the GDR years.”
p.75
“Any tendency toward escape by privileged urban splintering into the dream refuge of consumption space if the network society (Graham and Mervin, 2001) will always be thwarted in Berlin by a special binding genus loci.”
Ellis G. (2005), “The City of Black Stuff: Belfast and the Autism of Planning”, Planning in Ireland and Beyond, School of Environmental Planning Queen’s University, Belfast, pp.261:68
p.261
“During the 1970s and 1980s, Belfast must have been a most difficult environment in which to work as a planner and while other UK cities were innovation with radical forms of community planning (e.g. Sheffield, see Montgornery and Thornley, 1990) or experimenting with market-led (e.g. London Dockland, see Irmue and Thomas, 1993), Belfast planners were forced to keep their heads down and be grateful for slightest whiff of development”
p.262
“For example, taken per head of population, Northern Ireland has 2.2 times more miles of road than elsewhere in the UK ( Fawcett, 2000) and Belfast has been noted as being “the most car dependent city in Europe” (Copper et al, 2001), with 81 per cent of people travelling to work by car compared to 70 per cent in UK as a whole.”
p.262
“Take, for example, the fairness of this planning approach for 44 per cent of all Belfast households that do not have access to a car, which rise to 70 per sent in inner city areas which have to bear the brunt of commuter traffic”
p.265
“The culture of technocratic neutrality adopted by Belfast’s planners, which was a critical tactic to promote stability and overcome sectarian discrimination during the ‘Troubles, is now increasingly being perceived as aloof and insensitive to the particularity of place. Indeed, Bollens (1999) suggest that ‘neutrality is associated with unequal outcomes, poor public perception, and ineffective uplifting of Belfast’s economically deprived’ (p.268)”
Neil W. J. V. (2005), “Berlin Babylon: The spatiality of Memory and Identity in Recent Planning for the German Capital’, Planning in Ireland and Beyond, School of Environmental Planning Queen’s University, Belfast, pp.61:88
p.63
“Berlin provides a powerful reminder that the uniqueness of place in the formation of identity still matters”
p.63
“This involves forgetting, remembering and imagining politically contested processes whose outcomes are constituted in concrete form in the actual city of bricks, mortar and of course glass”
p.64
“Foregrounding the role of capital city planning in etching or erasing memory traces in identity construction, the chapter argues that Berlin fortunately remains an uneasy place where a national narrative of continuity exist in tension with an identity narrative which seeks to incorporate rupture”
p.64
“German National Narrative Construction
The historian Norman Davies describes how nationalism came from the late 18th century and 19th century onwards in two opposing variants: civic nationalism and ethnic nationalism (Davies, 1996). Ethnic nationalism, in its concept of nationhood, emphasises mythical nations of ethnic identity, language, culture, poetry, history and romantic feeling about the land. Civic nationalism is based on place bounded political institutions. Recognising that the civic / ethnic dichotomy is an ideal type distinction, and that the nationalism of every nation has romantic as well as constitutional and political elements, the question is well posed as to where most weight is placed (Buruma, 1998). In constructing a sense of shared belonging and identification out of cultural and civic elements a “national narrative” is essential to any nation state. Here collective memory, open to contestation, selects from history what emphasised, remembered and forgotten.”
p.64
“The national narrative bestows a sense of “being a people”, a large scale solidarity” with a perceived integration of past and present in an envisioned future (Easthope, 1997).”
p.66
“The legacy of the years 1933 to 1945 presents enormous problems for Berlin as a whole, and is not exaggeration to say that the way in which its citizens face the past will help to shape both the future of the capital and the very identity of the new Germany” (Richie 1., 1999, p.xivii)
p.66
“Bonn represented a reassuring sign of discontinuity for Germans with their troubled history or, as put by one commentator, in Bonn, Germany “stepped out of history and stepped into business” with the West Germany uncomfortable in projecting a political image of itself (Duerrenmatt, quoted in Der Spiegel, 1998, p.57)”
p.70
“In Berlin the presumed normal future to be embraced with enthusiasm is connected with the aid of urban design. This involves largely forgetting the GDR years.”
p.75
“Any tendency toward escape by privileged urban splintering into the dream refuge of consumption space if the network society (Graham and Mervin, 2001) will always be thwarted in Berlin by a special binding genus loci.”
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