Bollens, S. A. (2000), On Narrow ground, State University of New York Press, p.415 Ideology : political belief system that embraces an inner logic and guide & justify organized political and social action (Bilski & Galnoor 1980) Ideology of government fro desired urban outcomes in society of conflicting ethnic groups Emphasize government ideology because puvlic authorities operating amidst ethnic unrest must adopt an explicit doctrine that justifies and defends their policies amidst societal fragmantation p.20 governing ideology in urban planning = intake [admission] or gatekeeper f() group to penetrate and frame public policy Þ ethnonationalists or civic the translation of governing ideology into urban policy is not straightforward [simple] ideology Þ ¹ interpretation for achieve chosen ends no just enough to want peace or equality “Fundamental ideology in an urban system is implemented primarily through urban planning and policy decision p.22 give concrete meaning to goal, […]
Gottmann, J. (1973), The significance of territory, The University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville, p.169 To understand the past and the present partitioning of inhabited world, it is necessary to consider the unit in this partitioning, that is, to consider territory as a portion of space defined by a system of laws and a unity if government p.2 The practice of international law binds sovereignty and territory closely together p.3 However it must never forgotten that the relationship between sovereignty and territory is built upon a connecting link: the people in the territory or, if it is devoid of permanent settlement, at least the activity of people within the territory p.4 The sole presence of a flag flying over the place may not be successful in maintaining sovereignty if activities are occasionally carried out there without the power’s knowledge by people who do not recognize its authority. p.4 Territory= area around a place, spatial organisation and centrality Indeed, […]
Newman D. Ram U., « Introduction : Hegemonic Identities », pp.1-18 Kemp A., Newman D., Ram U., Yiftachel O. (edit) (2004), Israelis in Conflict, Sussex Academic Press, p.333 One major ‘sector’ is missing – Mizrachi Jews (those Jews whose place of origin before migrating to Israel was in North Africa or Asia and who constitute the poorer and more underprivileged sectors of Israel society). Mizrachi Jews are the ‘present absentees’ off Israeli politics. While being the major ‘identity’ group who ‘challenged’ Labor ‘hegemony’, and deposed from power in 1977, via the instrument of Likud party, and while being the electorate behind the most dynamic movement in Israel in the 1990s’, Shas, Mazrachi identity is not only absent but has, until recently, been tadoo in official Israeli discourse. The ‘ethnic gap’ is recognized in socio-economic terms, and dealt with (or not) by state policies. The inter-Jewish ethnic split is perceived as a threat to Jewish national unity, the very […]
This concept has been developed for understand the widespread of the building destruction in Bosnia during the Yugoslavia war. Urbicide differs from collateral damage because the destruction of the urban fabric is a political goal, the building are targeted because they are fundamental elements of the urban space. Urbicide includes the destruction of cultural heritage but it goes pass, its goal it’s more just to re-write the past by destroy all the building which represent the diversity and complexity of a city. The destruction of the urban space has for purpose to destroy the sharing space, and so the possibility to meet the ‘others’, and to transform the city into a succession of ethnic or socio-economic enclaves. The urbicide is link to the warfare, to a short and violent episode. My question is does urbicide take place only during the war times? Some planning programs or their absence can be see as an urbicide? Can we talk about a ‘soft’ urbicide?
Toal G., “De-terriorialised Threats and Global Dangers: Geopolitics and Risk Society”, Boundaries, Territory and Postmodernity, Frank Cass Publishers, London, pp.17-32 In a prevalent geopolitical version of this narrative, the modern is associated with the establishment of the Westphalian state system in sixteenth and seventeenth Europe. It gave rise to what Agnew terms the ‘modern geopolitical imagination’. One of its most distinguishing features is a ‘state-centric account of spatiality’ characterized by three geographical assumptions: first, that states have exclusive sovereignty power over their territories; second, that ‘domestic’ and foreign’ are separate and distinct realms; and third, that the boundaries of a state define the boundaries of ‘society’. p.17 The postmodern in this narrative is a post-Westphalian world where states are no longer as sovereign as they were, where transnational actors and forces are problematising domestic/foreign borders, and where transnational […]